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The episode features Samer Sinijlawi, a Palestinian political activist who defines himself as a member of the Fatah opposition. In the conversation, Sinijlawi explains why he believes it is important to speak to the Israeli public, analyzes Palestinian public opinion after the events of October 7, and describes the leadership change he thinks is necessary on the Palestinian side to move toward a solution.
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The Palestinian Authority has lost its relevance
Sinijlawi begins by referring to a simulation of the Riyadh Summit held at Tel Aviv University, where he represented the Palestinian Authority. According to him, although he opposes the PA’s strategy over the last decade and sees it as a failure, he tried to represent its positions faithfully. He argues that the current Palestinian leadership is completely disconnected from the Palestinian street, and this disconnect has made it irrelevant. As an example, he notes that while the participants were gathering at the university, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman convened a summit of Arab leaders in Riyadh and did not invite Mahmoud Abbas.
The psychological barrier between Israelis and Palestinians
Boris notes polls showing that even after October 7, a majority of the Palestinian public still supports a two-state solution. Sinijlawi agrees that the mainstream of the Palestinian people wants to achieve a Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel, but argues that a deep psychological barrier prevents progress. According to him, both peoples feel that the other side wants to destroy them. Palestinians see Israelis as a military occupier denying them freedom and dignity, while Israelis see Palestinians as a security threat and a source of terror.
He adds that the media on both sides fuels mistrust and fear. The Israeli media, he claims, presents only negative stories about Palestinians and refrained from showing the human suffering in Gaza during the war. Meanwhile, the Palestinian media presents only Palestinian pain and ignores the price the war is exacting from the Israeli side.
Palestinian responsibility for change
Sinijlawi argues that the responsibility to initiate change lies more heavily with the Palestinian side. The reason for this, he says, is the asymmetry in the situations of the two peoples. Israel has a strong state, a robust economy, and a powerful military, and it can continue to manage the conflict for decades. The Palestinians, in contrast, do not have this ability.
A genuine Palestinian change, in his view, would be demonstrated by the Palestinian leadership beginning to show understanding for Israel’s security concerns, not as a favor to Israel but out of Palestinian national interest. Such a change would also include a shift in media discourse, and even the creation of warm personal ties between Palestinian and Israeli leaders, such as mutual family visits. Such a dynamic, he believes, could create the trust that would allow for progress.
The Palestinian leadership on the day after Abbas
According to Sinijlawi, the Palestinian people are fed up with both the corruption of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and the destruction Hamas has brought upon Gaza, and they are looking for a third way and a leadership that will provide hope. He believes that such a leadership will emerge after Abbas leaves the political stage. He describes Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu as partners who in fact serve each other’s interests: Abbas wants to remain president for life, and Netanyahu wants to avoid negotiations.
Sinijlawi claims that there is a whole generation of leaders in Fatah waiting for an opportunity, and he lists names like Mohammed Dahlan, Nasser al-Qudwa, Tawfiq Tirawi, and Jibril Rajoub. However, he emphasizes that as long as Abbas is in power, such a change is not possible. According to him, it is not possible to organize a popular protest against the government in the West Bank because of the checkpoints and restrictions, and also because of the suppression of the opposition by the Palestinian security services, as political dissident Nizar Banat learned firsthand when he was killed after being arrested by the Palestinian police.
The two-state solution: one state and minorities
In response to a question from Boris, Sinijlawi rejects the idea of two separate Palestinian entities in Gaza and the West Bank. He emphasizes that the Palestinian people are one people, and that within the framework of a two-state solution, territorial contiguity could be created through a corridor connecting Gaza and the West Bank, as part of land swaps.
Additionally, he addresses the issue of the settlers. According to him, the two-state solution must allow for the existence of a Jewish and democratic state of Israel. He adds that the Palestinian narrative must recognize the Jewish people’s historical right to the land. Accordingly, Jews who wish to live in the Palestinian state could do so, as Israeli citizens and residents of Palestine, and would be subject to Palestinian law. He emphasizes that they would be accepted as individuals, similar to the status of Arab citizens of Israel, and not as a collective with national rights or separate security arrangements.
The original episode, in Hebrew: לפלסטינים דחוף יותר?